The Katchatheevu Predicament: Seeking Past the Electoral Lens

The Katchatheevu Predicament: Seeking Past the Electoral Lens

The revival of the Katchatheevu island challenge, a at the time-settled maritime situation in between India and Sri Lanka, has brought a new twist to India’s electoral marketing campaign, even as the 7-phased standard election is set to start off on April 19. It has palpable implications for the two major events underneath the opposition INDIA alliance—the Indian Countrywide Congress (INC) and the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), a regional occasion in the south Indian point out of Tamil Nadu (TN). The two INC and DMK are now set under scanner for compromising India’s countrywide interest.

It all began with Primary Minister Narendra Modi’s remarks on Katchatheevu, sparking a new wave of contestations. Modi’s characterization of the issue as ‘eye-opening and startling’ indicated the common public outcry it incited, casting doubt on the trustworthiness of the INC-led government’s conclusion to cede control of the island. New disclosures introduced to gentle by TN leaders of BJP—hinting at the Congress government’s willingness to abandon claims over Katchatheevu—have fuelled Modi’s criticism.

A day after Modi’s reviews, India’s Minister of External Affairs (EAM), S. Jaishankar, also launched a scathing attack on the INC and DMK, accusing them of shirking accountability relating to the Katchatheevu problem. Addressing a press convention in Delhi, Jaishankar emphasized the public’s right to transparency pertaining to the instances bordering the relinquishment of Katchatheevu. He explained: “In May well of 1961, PM Nehru wrote that he attaches no importance at all to this small island and he would have no hesitation in supplying up claim to it. He wrote that he doesn’t like make a difference like this getting pending indefinitely and being elevated again and all over again in Parliament. He saw it as a nuisance.” Jaishankar questioned the motives guiding surrendering not only the island but also the fishing rights of Indian fishermen, in spite of assurances presented to Parliament in 1976. Jaishankar elucidated the 1974 arrangement in between India and Sri Lanka, which delineated a maritime boundary, putting Katchatheevu on the Sri Lankan side. He pressured the require for diplomatic dialogue with Sri Lankan authorities to search for resolution. Supplying context to the challenge, Jaishankar highlighted the alarming frequency of Indian fishermen remaining detained and their vessels seized by Sri Lanka around the earlier two many years. This, he asserted, forms the backdrop of the ongoing discussions.

Jaishankar dismissed the idea that the concern had arisen quickly, citing correspondence from the Main Minister of Tamil Nadu and his have comprehensive engagement with the make a difference. He emphasized that this is not a dormant concern but somewhat a urgent issue demanding fast notice. Also, Jaishankar pointed out that in the previous 20 yrs, 6184 Indian fishermen have been detained by Sri Lanka and 1175 Indian fishing vessels have been seized, detained, or apprehended by Sri Lanka.

As EAM stated, the difficulty experienced emerged lots of moments prior to, with growing incidents of Indian fishermen getting arrested by the Lankan navy. For occasion, on July 21, 2022, in reply to a issue on the possession correct of Katchatheevu island raised by Vaiko in the Rajya Sabha, the minister of point out in the Ministry of Exterior Affairs stated:  “The Govt of India concluded maritime boundary agreements with Sri Lanka in 1974 and 1976. Below the Agreements, the Island of Katchatheevu lies on the Sri Lankan aspect of the India-Sri Lanka Worldwide Maritime Boundary Line. At this time, the subject relating to the Katchatheevu Island issue is sub-judice in the Hon’ble Supreme Court docket of India.” The minister also pointed out that the issues pertaining to Indian fishermen ended up taken up by way of diplomatic channels and set up mechanisms.

Katchatheevu, located in the Palk Strait involving India and Sri Lanka, was a focal stage of maritime dispute and political manoeuvrings. Apart from its religious importance—particularly with St. Anthony’s church—the geopolitical benefit of the island experienced attracted the awareness of the two nations around the world. Having said that, in 1974, beneath Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s management, India relinquished control of Katchatheevu to Sri Lanka as element of the Indo-Sri Lankan Maritime Arrangement. While aimed at strengthening bilateral ties, problems were being also raised about its influence on the traditional legal rights of Indian fishermen.

Nevertheless, the transfer of Katchatheevu has remained contentious, especially in TN politics, the place sentiments are affected by historic ties and issues for fishermen’s livelihoods. Leaders like J Jayalalitha and Main Minister MK Stalin vehemently opposed the determination, arguing that it was made devoid of consulting the Tamil Nadu point out assembly and experienced adverse consequences on Tamil fishermen.

The many years-extensive Sri Lankan civil war further difficult matters, quickly diverting consideration from the maritime problem but reigniting tensions write-up-war. This led to incidents involving Indian fishermen getting apprehended by the Sri Lankan navy. In spite of these worries, demands for revisiting the Katchatheevu problem persisted, reflecting deep-rooted problems and political importance in the broader geopolitical context of the Indian Ocean area.

For the duration of a parliamentary discussion previous calendar year, Primary Minister Modi indirectly criticized customers of the ruling DMK in TN, reminding them of their late leader M Karunanidhi’s role in consenting to the transfer of Katchatheevu to Sri Lanka. This remark sparked reactions in Sri Lanka, with some interpreting it as a subtle contact for India to reclaim Katchatheevu. Having said that, mainstream Sri Lankan get-togethers refrained from commenting, maybe due to India’s sizeable support during Sri Lanka’s financial disaster.

In fact, the reference to Katchatheevu by Modi, final year, coincided with efforts to enrich bilateral financial cooperation involving India and Sri Lanka, which includes tasks like underwater petroleum pipelines and electricity cable connections. Sri Lankan PM Ranil Wickremesinghe’s proposal for a road linkage amongst the two countries also drew attention. Having said that, observers had warned that any perceived shift in India’s stance on Katchatheevu could effect these attempts and jeopardize ideas for the road linkage undertaking, aimed at boosting trade and tourism.

Katchatheevu, although a little uninhabited island, holds substantial historic and religious value for Tamil fishermen from both of those India and Sri Lanka. Nevertheless, controversies emerged, this kind of as the discovery of a Buddha statue on the island, prompting problems and diplomatic responses from the two nations around the world. The ongoing dispute in excess of Katchatheevu ongoing immediately after the bilateral agreements in 1974 and 1976, which assigned the island to Sri Lanka, even with objections from Indian fishermen and Tamil Nadu politicians.

Even so, Sri Lanka consistently preserved a policy rooted in historic information regarding the ownership of Katchatheevu, exercising jurisdiction and management more than the island. Evidence relationship again to 1924, in accordance to Colombo, instructed that Study Officers of the Government of India recognized Katchatheevu as aspect of then Ceylon as early as 1876. More, Katchatheevu has been under Sri Lankan jurisdiction considering the fact that the era of Portuguese and British rule.

It is true that the concern of Katchatheevu originally surfaced in 1921 in the course of conversations to demarcate fisheries boundaries amongst India and Ceylon. Subsequent bilateral talks addressed maritime boundary delineation, culminating in the 1974 Settlement concerning historic waters in the Palk Strait and Palk Bay, officially affirming Sri Lanka’s sovereignty more than the island. Article four of the Settlement establishes each individual state’s sovereignty and distinctive jurisdiction more than their respective maritime boundaries, which includes Katchatheevu island inside Sri Lankan waters. Posting five ensures that Indian fishermen and pilgrims keep obtain to Katchatheevu without having the want for journey paperwork or visas, although Report six preserves the traditional navigational rights of vessels from both Sri Lanka and India in each and every other’s waters.

The preparatory notes foremost to the finalization of the legal rights of the two events indicated that beneath Report 5, pilgrims’ rights had been constrained to attending the annual church feast, even though fishermen were being granted accessibility to dry their nets and catch. For that reason, looking at the provisions of both Write-up five and six with each other, Sri Lanka argued, it is apparent that no fishing rights are conferred upon Indian fishermen or vessels to interact in fishing in Sri Lankan waters. In continuation of this method, an Agreement on the Maritime Boundary among Sri Lanka and India in the Gulf of Mannar and the Bay of Bengal, alongside with relevant matters, was signed in 1976. This Arrangement further more elucidated the positions established by the 1974 Arrangement involving the two nations. Posting five of the 1976 Agreement stipulates the subsequent:

Each Party shall exercise sovereignty above the historic waters, territorial sea, and islands slipping inside its respective boundary. Each and every Bash shall hold sovereign legal rights and special jurisdiction in excess of the Continental Shelf and the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), as well as their sources, whether residing or non-living, within just its boundary. Every single Bash shall respect navigation legal rights by means of its territorial sea and exclusive financial zone in accordance with its legislation, regulations, and worldwide regulation.  Colombo argued that these provisions go away no question regarding fishing rights. TN leaders constantly contested this posture.

The historical declare over Katchatheevu remained contentious till the mid-seventies, with both India and Sri Lanka asserting possession dependent on conflicting historical files. Although India’s acquiescence to the cession of Katchatheevu can be attributed to political and strategic things to consider, the difficulty ongoing to be politically delicate, particularly in Tamil Nadu.

Even with lawful troubles and political rhetoric, successive Indian governments have affirmed Katchatheevu’s standing as Sri Lankan territory, signalling a reluctance to reopen negotiations on the issue. This place is broken now. This is absolutely the initially time that the ruling NDA’s top rated echelons have come out in open up with a placement that the INC and DMK have been not honest on the Katchatheevu challenge which remained a intricate and contentious component of India-Sri Lanka maritime boundary, with political, economic, and historical proportions. Prime Minister Modi’s remarks, as properly as EAM’s push conference, have induced debates and elevated fears about the implications for bilateral cooperation and regional security.

The fears of Tamil persons are natural given the lengthy heritage of the fishermen being frequently arrested. Now, there is a dilemma looming: Can the 1974 and 1976 agreements be terminated dependent on proof of the violations of their provisions? For the ruling dispensation in New Delhi, which aims to make electoral gains in South India, the challenge carries important body weight. They know that the issue could open a new and delicate entrance in the ongoing electoral battle, with accusations in opposition to the past INC and DMK governments of surrendering India’s nationwide passions. For the people of Tamil Nadu, the concern is not just delicate but also a subject of existence and livelihood, with profound implications for their everyday lives and economic very well-currently being.

K.M. Seethi is ICSSR Senior Fellow and the Academic Advisor of the Global Centre for Polar Scientific studies at Mahatma Gandhi University, Kerala. He also served as Senior Professor and Dean of Global Relations at MGU. The sights and viewpoints expressed in this post are these of the writer.

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